After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State by Paul E. Gottfried PDF

By Paul E. Gottfried

ISBN-10: 1400822890

ISBN-13: 9781400822898

Publish 12 months note: First released January 1st 1999

In this trenchant problem to social engineering, Paul Gottfried analyzes a patricide: the slaying of nineteenth-century liberalism through the managerial kingdom. many of us, in fact, discover that liberalism now not connotes dispensed powers and bourgeois ethical criteria, the necessity to safeguard civil society from an encroaching kingdom, or the virtues of lively self-government. Many additionally comprehend that today's "liberals" have some distance assorted objectives from these in their predecessors, aiming as they do mostly to strive against prejudice, to supply social providers and welfare advantages, and to shield expressive and "lifestyle" freedoms. Paul Gottfried does greater than learn those ancient evidence, even if. He builds on them to teach why it issues that the managerial kingdom has changed conventional liberalism: the hot regimes of social engineers, he keeps, are elitists, and their rule is consensual in simple terms within the feel that it's unopposed by way of any common prepared opposition.

Throughout the western global, more and more uprooted populations unthinkingly settle for centralized controls in alternate for quite a few entitlements. of their scary passivity, Gottfried locates the drawback for traditionalist and populist adversaries of the welfare kingdom. How can rivals of administrative elites exhibit the general public that those that offer, even though ineptly, for his or her fabric wishes are the enemies of democratic self-rule and of self reliant choice making in kin existence? If we don't get up, Gottfried warns, the political debate may possibly quickly be over, regardless of sporadic and ideologically harassed populist rumblings in either Europe and the U.S..

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He also never shows us that today’s liberals are truer heirs of Locke, Hume, Kant, or Montesquieu than their pro–free market, “morally traditionalist” opponents. Even less useful is the claim that “autonomous” liberal resources and arguments have changed society. In what way, might we ask, is this true? Does Galston believe that those who have produced desired change over the course of centuries are simply personifications of his own values? In any case he never demonstrates that one can find liberal principles that are entirely unrelated to older sources.

Then James Mill and John Bright dreamt of a fusion between economic and political principles that were still largely untested. These reformers hoped that an extension of the vote to the lowermiddle and working classes would be the first step toward creating an unfettered market economy. Such an extended franchise, they believed, would end both Tory privilege and ecclesiastical paternalism and thereby promote commercial liberty throughout society. The second of these predictions was false, as democratic practice amply demonstrates.

24 Dumont’s thematic stess on “individualism within the world” underscores a problem found in explorations appealing to root causes: they account for both too much and too little. 25 Though clearly he knows that the Protestant idea of the individual experience of divine grace has little to do with contemporary views of individual self-gratification, Dumont’s interest in cultural continuity leads him to play down such a difference. His study of individuality in the West causes him to overlook short-term cultural changes, even those with powerful cumulative effects.

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After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State by Paul E. Gottfried

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