New PDF release: Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist

By Stefan Keine

ISBN-10: 3110234394

ISBN-13: 9783110234398

ISBN-10: 3110234408

ISBN-13: 9783110234404

This publication develops a unified conception of non-canonical case and contract styles that experience remained elusive up to now. Drawing from a variety of typologically non-related languages, it units forth the declare that the phenomena lower than dialogue contain summary deletion operations which engage with different grammatical operations in complex yet hugely systematic methods. This interaction is proven to offer upward push to doubtless non-related floor phenomena, therefore integrating those phenomena inside of a extra common framework of argument encoding

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Extra resources for Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist approach

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16 See footnote 10 on page 84 for some speculations on this issue. 31 (36) XP i yy iii y ii y ii yy yy Xƒ YP i yy iii y ii y y ii y yy Y case/ϕ ZP V 8 $$ 88 $$ $ 88 ... e. the relation between impoverishment and Agree. That said, all that is to follow is fully compatible with more elaborate derivations involving movement etc. Thus, an alternative derivation to (36), which is equivalent for all present purposes, is depicted in (37) (notice that the direction of the arrow indicates the percolation process of the relevant features, not the probing direction).

These objects in turn behave as accusative objects for all syntactic tests (Harley 1995, Jónsson 1996). Despite being nominative they thus do not behave like nominatives in subject position. Hence, syntactically, they are true objects. This constitutes a state of affairs that is reminiscent of the situation observed in Hindi in the previous section: there exists a mismatch between syntactic configuration and morphological case. Arguments that stand in a syntactic subjecthood configuration can bear morphological nominative or dative case.

Thus, nothing bars an impoverishment rule that deletes a case feature in a completely random set of contexts. By iconicity (8), the more general marker would then appear in a completely random set of environments. This is not what is empirically suggested. The hallmark of differential argument encoding is exactly that morphological complexity and hierarchical markedness are correlated 28 and impoverishment of certain arguments entails impoverishment of more canonical arguments as well. This striking pattern is surprising if impoverishment is merely an arbitrary rule.

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Case and agreement from fringe to core : a minimalist approach by Stefan Keine


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