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High levels of infant and child mortality considerably raise 35 For further discussion with reference to Uttar Pradesh as a whole, see Drèze and Gazdar (1997), and the studies cited there. 36 The corresponding figure for rural Uttar Pradesh as a whole, based on the 1992–3 National Family Health Survey, is 46 per cent (International Institute for Population Sciences, 1994a: 73). 37 Note that these Palanpur-based findings are strikingly similar, in many respects (including desired family size and composition), to the corresponding results of the 1992–3 National Family Health Survey for Uttar Pradesh.

A widow usually lives in the household of 26 Adult women rarely, if ever, remain unmarried in Palanpur. Interestingly, there are a number of cases of male bachelors. This is consistent with Das Gupta's (1993) finding of high rates of male celibacy among landowning families in rural Punjab. 88 in both Uttar Pradesh and Punjab at the time of the 1991 census). 27 This broad-brush account of living arrangements covers most households in Palanpur. g. the fraternal joint family, or the nuclear family supplemented by a widowed parent of the household head) largely reflecting the process through which these basic units form and disintegrate.

First, in a landed household, the patriarch has a great deal of bargaining power vis-à-vis sons who threaten to form separate households, since he owns the family land. This consideration also helps to explain why most joint-family households get partitioned soon after the death of the patriarch. Second, economic solidarity between brothers must be particularly hard to promote when they have separate activities and incomes, as would normally be the case in a landless jointfamily household. This observation is consistent with the fact that even among landed joint families, a brother who obtains a secure job 32 On these different roles of the joint family in north India, see Bailey (1957), Mandelbaum (1970), Swartzberg (1979), Srinivas (1982), Oldenburg (1992), among others.

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